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PostPosted: Wed 04 Apr 2012, 00:04 
darkness
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Nessimon wrote:
voicedness (in phonetics) is a binary phenomena


I'd disagree. Phonetically, as phonation is independent of articulation the duration of voicing relative to the duration of the various articulations can vary, and consequently you can have a whole range of different sounds in between a fully voiced or fully voiceless segment. Voice is often analysed as binary in phonology though.

You could possibly argue that a contrast between voiced, voiceless and aspirated phonemes, which occurs in several languages (Thai is an example, I think) is a contrast between three 'degrees of voicelessness' as the difference between the sounds is down to the voice onset time.

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PostPosted: Wed 04 Apr 2012, 23:12 
hieroglyphic
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Is there any language which has no true ditransitive verbs but instead forms them in some periphrastic manner?


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PostPosted: Wed 04 Apr 2012, 23:20 
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Is there a correlation between noun classes and 3rd-person pronouns (should there be a personal pronoun corresopnding to each of the classes)?
Do they tend to be related in any way (the same roots/morphemes)?

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PostPosted: Thu 05 Apr 2012, 00:13 
fire
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Omzinesý wrote:
eldin raigmore wrote:
I guess an "effected patient" would be one that is created during the clause?
Yes, I know what it is. .... It is something created in the action.

But I didn't know. Apparently I guessed right; thanks for clarifying!


Omzinesý wrote:
... I'm just interested in where it is. ...

I can't find anything about it online; did you look in Barry J. Blake's book "Case"? If so, did that help?





Lodhas wrote:
Or, if you're asking about grammatical voices, I'm certain there are/were languages with at least 3. I can't remember any off the top of my head though.

Classical Greek, Classical Latin, and IIANM Classical Sanskrit, among other I-E languages of that age.
Also, the languages that M.H.Klaiman in his book "Grammatical Voice" typologizes* as having a "Basic Voice System"; Fula and Tamil are included.

*He mentions Basic Voice Systems (typically these are nearly the same as systems with a Middle Voice); Derived Voice Systems (where various participants are promoted into and/or demoted out of various morphosyntactically-assigned argument positions, as passivization demotes the Agent out of the Subject position and promotes the Patient into the Subject position); Inverse Voice Systems (typically those with a Hierarchical morphosyntactic alignment, also typically those with an obviative, but the overlap is not complete); and Information-Salience Voice Systems (where, rather than "what's the subject?", the question is either "what's the topic?" or "what's the focus?" or, for at least one language, both of those); and leaves open the possibility that there are other types, or languages that don't belong to a type, or, possibly (for all I can remember), languages that don't have Grammatical Voice.





Zifre wrote:
Is there any language which has no true ditransitive verbs

Yes. Or, at least, I'm sure there are some with no ditransitive verb-roots; and I think there may be some with no ditransitive verbs at all.


Zifre wrote:
but instead forms them in some periphrastic manner?

I'm not sure. See http://wals.info/chapter/105 and his references.

Joan Bybee (formerly Joan B. Hill) wrote a book on verb morphology, which may be the book I remember reading something like the following out of (but I could be wrong);

Every language has monovalent (one core argument) verb-roots, and every language has bivalent (two core arguments) verb-roots.
While most languages have many of both of those valencies, many have many more monovalent than bivalent verbs and many others have many more bivalent than monovalent verbs.
Many languages also have several trivalent (three core arguments) verb-roots. And a few have 0-valent or 4-valent verb-roots. But in all languages that have them, trivalent verb-roots are a small(ish) minority of the verb-roots; also 0-valent verb-roots if there are any, and 4-valent verb-roots if there are any, are always smallish minorities.

The most common morphology of verbs is valency-changing.

Some languages without trivalent verb-roots can nevertheless form trivalent verbs from bivalent roots by applying a valency-raising operation, such as causativization or "dative applicativization".

But IIRC there are some languages in which valency can't be raised beyond 2.

Anyway;
If you apply a valency-decreasing operation to a monovalent verb, the result is a 0-valent verb.

In some languages some valency-decreasing operations can be applied twice. For instance, both Turkish and Hindi allow "double passivization". If you do that to a bivalent verb you wind up with a 0-valent verb.

In some languages you can apply a valency-raising operation to a trivalent verb. If you do that, you wind up with a 4-valent verb.

In some languages, you can apply two different valency-raising operations (such as causativization and benefactive applicativization) to the same verb one after another; in some languages, you can apply the same valency-raising operation (such as causativization) twice to the same verb. (For instance, Hindi has "double causativization".)
If you do either of those to a bivalent verb, you wind up with a 4-valent verb.

I don't know of any language that allows you to raise valency higher than 4; or at least, none that has been so analyzed by any linguist who wasn't trying to debunk the whole idea of "valency".
I'm pretty sure some languages don't allow valency to be raised higher than 3; I imagine English might be one of them, depending on how you define your terms.
I'm only slightly less sure that some languages don't allow valency to be raised higher than 2.





Milyamd wrote:
Is there a correlation between noun classes and 3rd-person pronouns (should there be a personal pronoun corresopnding to each of the classes)?
Do they tend to be related in any way (the same roots/morphemes)?

My first impulse was to look at http://wals.info/feature/combined/44A/43A. But, having done so, I don't know for certain that the answer is there; in fact I realized I'm not certain of the precise meaning of your question.

Most languages (254 out of 378 in their database) don't have any gender distinctions in independent personal pronouns.
Most that do have it only in 3rd person singular (61 out of 124 in their database) or only in 3rd person but in both 3rd singular and 3rd non-singular (42 out of 124).
Another 18 out of the 124 have gender distinctions in 3rd person and also in some other person.

http://wals.info/feature/combined/44A/30A shows that most languages don't have any gender at all; which, for at least 109 of those 254 languages that don't have gendered pronouns, explains that. But there are still at least 15 languages in their database that have genders but not gendered pronouns.

Weirdly, they list 5 languages that don't have genders but do have gendered pronouns. I don't know what the deal is with that. Maybe you should write to them and ask them.

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PostPosted: Thu 05 Apr 2012, 10:25 
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eldin raigmore wrote:
Weirdly, they list 5 languages that don't have genders but do have gendered pronouns. I don't know what the deal is with that.

Like English, maybe? English doesn't have genders, but does have three different gendered pronouns: he, she and it.

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PostPosted: Thu 05 Apr 2012, 10:55 
runic
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eldin raigmore wrote:
Classical Greek, Classical Latin, and IIANM Classical Sanskrit, among other I-E languages of that age.

Aaaaand this is why I removed Latin from my sig'. For a language I claim to be dabbling in, my ignorance of its characteristics is astounding. :p
But yes, thanks for the info'.

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PostPosted: Thu 05 Apr 2012, 11:40 
hieroglyphic
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Ralph wrote:
Nessimon wrote:
voicedness (in phonetics) is a binary phenomena


I'd disagree. Phonetically, as phonation is independent of articulation the duration of voicing relative to the duration of the various articulations can vary, and consequently you can have a whole range of different sounds in between a fully voiced or fully voiceless segment. Voice is often analysed as binary in phonology though.

You could possibly argue that a contrast between voiced, voiceless and aspirated phonemes, which occurs in several languages (Thai is an example, I think) is a contrast between three 'degrees of voicelessness' as the difference between the sounds is down to the voice onset time.


Yes, I didn't think of that. No, you're right, and as I said as well: in respect to phonation there can be different degrees of stricture of the glottis even as phonemes.

But still, even though you could argue that voiced, voiceless and aspirated phonemes is a contrast between three 'degrees of voicelessness', I've never heard it described that way. And now we're not talking about voiced as modal voice, but as vibration of the vocal folds (in relation to VOT). And that is possible even with more spread glottis than the modal stricture. The possibility here for different degrees lies in periodic vs. non-periodic vibrations, I think. But I can't see how that could be utilized phonemically, though.


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PostPosted: Thu 05 Apr 2012, 21:46 
fire
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Maximillian wrote:
eldin raigmore wrote:
Weirdly, they list 5 languages that don't have genders but do have gendered pronouns. I don't know what the deal is with that.
Like English, maybe? English doesn't have genders, but does have three different gendered pronouns: he, she and it.

I don't know. Maybe the chapter texts will explain it.
The languages they mark that way in their database are Carib, Burmese, Kilivila, Mandarin, and Persian.

I think they count English, and other languages whose only vestige of agreement with gender is the agreement of anaphoric pronouns, as languages that do have gender. This is why I think that:
1. Defining the values
The defining characteristic of gender is agreement: a language has a gender system only if we find different agreements ultimately dependent on nouns of different types. In other words, there must be evidence for gender outside the nouns themselves.
....
To avoid confusion note that the mere existence of nouns like djadja ‘uncle’ and sestra ‘sister’, denoting males and females, is not enough to constitute a gender system. There must be syntactic evidence, in agreement. Kanuri (Nilo-Saharan; Nigeria) does not have a gender system, but does have lexical contrasts such as tádà ‘boy, son’ versus férò ‘girl, daughter’ (Hutchison 1981: 11, 38, 45). This is a matter of lexical semantics, and not a gender system. Such lexical oppositions may be instantiated through derivational morphology (English shows examples like poet and poetess). Again this of itself does not give a gender system. The reason is that there can be numerous similar oppositions, concrete versus abstract for example, none of which would be counted as grounds for postulating a grammatical category in the language in question. Similarly, inflectional markers on the nouns themselves are insufficient to ground a gender system: in our Russian examples, the inflection –a might seem to indicate feminine gender, but in fact djadja ‘uncle’ and papa ‘daddy’ are masculine, which we prove by the agreements they take, irrespective of their form. We shall limit ourselves to true gender systems which can be demonstrated on the basis of agreement evidence.

Our examples have involved agreement of the verb, but there are various other targets which may agree in gender, such as adjectives, determiners, numerals and even focus particles. Most scholars working on agreement include the control of anaphoric pronouns by their antecedent (the girl ... she ) as part of agreement. If this is accepted, as we do here, then languages in which free pronouns present the only evidence for gender will be counted as having a gender system. Of course, such languages with pronominal gender systems have a much less pervasive system than those like Russian. Including them, however, makes little difference to the overall picture, since they are rare (the best known example is English, which is typologically unusual in this respect); another is Defaka (Niger-Congo; Niger Delta, Nigeria; Jenewari 1983: 103-106).

Since agreement is the defining characteristic, gender can be distinguished from other classification systems, such as classifiers. .... A further consequence of the definition is that differences in use of language which depend on the sex of the speaker (lexical choice, voice quality and so on) are not treated here; an example is the difference between men’s and women’s pronunciation in Chukchi (Dunn 2000).

We should note that often there is no substantive difference between what are called “genders” and what are called “noun classes”; the different terms may be merely the products of different linguistic traditions. Thus we find systems with three genders, to which nouns are assigned by similar rules, in both Kannada (Dravidian; India) and Godoberi (Nakh-Daghestanian; eastern Caucasus). By tradition the first is said to have three genders, and the second three noun classes. We shall treat both as having gender.

We have established our criteria for deciding whether a language has a gender system. It is equally important to be clear on definitions when we ask how many genders particular languages have. Our approach starts from Zaliznjak (1964). Basically, two nouns are in the same gender provided that, however we change the environment (treating both the same), then both will take the same agreements. Again traditions vary. The earlier Bantuist tradition treated nouns as being in different noun classes when singular and plural; we consider the total behaviour of a noun, including both its singular and its plural, with the result that a typical Bantu language may have 7-10 genders rather than around 20 noun classes. More generally, while in many languages there is no dispute as to the number of genders, there are a few where the question is far from straightforward. The analytical problem of determining the number of genders and the tests for deciding the gender of a given noun depend on separating out the classes into which nouns are divided (the controller genders) from the number of different genders marked on agreement targets (the target genders). Frequently the two match up, but in several languages they do not. A full treatment of the subject with extensive references can be found in Corbett (1991). Based on the analysis there, the analytical decisions made for this chapter are that the number of genders given on the map is the core system, the number of controller genders. (Hence neutral genders, locative genders, subgenders, overdifferentiated targets, inquorate genders, hybrid nouns and those with double or multiple gender are all left out of account here; the interesting detail can be found in Corbett 1991: 145-188.)

(All emphasis was added by me.)

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PostPosted: Fri 06 Apr 2012, 16:22 
mayan
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How do you guys feel about the claims that Korean and Japanese are related?

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PostPosted: Fri 06 Apr 2012, 18:34 
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Solarius wrote:
How do you guys feel about the claims that Korean and Japanese are related?

I believe that current socio-political as well as historical conflict between the two peoples is what keeps the two languages from being considered related.

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PostPosted: Fri 06 Apr 2012, 19:27 
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If the two languages do happen to be related, the relationship extends too far back in time for it to be readily apparent. The current evidence in favour of such a grouping is still very minimal and subject to debate.


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 Post subject: Glottal Fricative, H
PostPosted: Mon 09 Apr 2012, 08:20 
roman
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It is a quick question, how common is the H in languages? I tried on WALS but couldnt find that feature.

Modicone: Quick questions fit nicely in the quick question threads. [;)]

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PostPosted: Mon 09 Apr 2012, 09:44 
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I don't know how common H is, but UPSID lists /h/ for 61.86% of its languages.


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PostPosted: Mon 09 Apr 2012, 22:31 
fire
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Avo wrote:
I don't know how common H is, but UPSID lists /h/ for 61.86% of its languages.


Assuming you meant the IPA's [ʜ], which is a voiceless epiglottal fricative, the only information I have is from Wikipedia, which says it occurs in Agul, in Dahalo, and in Haida.


Or possibly you meant the Z-SAMPA labiopalatal approximant. The IPA symbol is [ɥ]. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Labio-palatal_approximant#Occurrence says it occurs in Abkhaz, Mandarin, Korean, and French.


Looking in UPSID at the labiopalatal approximant ([H] in Z-SAMPA), the voiced labiopalatal fricative ([H_r] in Z-SAMPA), and the voiceless epiglottal fricative ([H\] in Z-SAMPA), I find UPSID has information only on the voiced labiopalatal approximant:
Sound: wj
Description: voiced labial-palatal approximant
Occurs in 6 languages
That is in 1.33% of all languages
Occurs in: AKAN, ALLADIAN, FRENCH, GA, LAKKIA, MANDARIN



Likely you didn't mean the voiceless pharyngeal fricative denoted by [ħ] in IPA, by [X\] in Z-SAMPA, and by [H] in Kirshenbaum's notation and in UPSID's notation. Nevertheless:
Sound: H
Description: voiceless pharyngeal fricative
Occurs in 19 languages
That is in 4.21% of all languages
Occurs in: ARABIC, ARCHI, ATAYAL, AVAR, BATS, BRAO, DAHALO, EWE, IRAQW, KABARDIAN, KURDISH, LAK, RUTUL, SHILHA, SOCOTRI, SOMALI, TAMA, TIGRE, TSESHAHT

and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voiceless_pharyngeal_fricative#Occurrence shows it occurring in 15 languages.

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PostPosted: Fri 13 Apr 2012, 02:10 
mayan
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eldin raigmore wrote:
Avo wrote:
I don't know how common H is, but UPSID lists /h/ for 61.86% of its languages.


Assuming you meant the IPA's [ʜ], which is a voiceless epiglottal fricative, the only information I have is from Wikipedia, which says it occurs in Agul, in Dahalo, and in Haida.


It also occurs in Chechen, depending on your analysis of the language.


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PostPosted: Fri 13 Apr 2012, 19:05 
metal
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Is there a kind soul that could to translate for me the lyrics of this song?

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PostPosted: Fri 13 Apr 2012, 19:48 
fire
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Milyamd wrote:
Is there a kind soul that could to translate for me the lyrics of this song?

Into what target language? English? Polish?
(And btw what's the source language? Obviously I'm not one of the kind souls you were looking for.)

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PostPosted: Fri 13 Apr 2012, 21:01 
metal
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Here are the lyrics in original, i.e. mixed Japanese-English. The whole English translation would be favourable.

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PostPosted: Sat 14 Apr 2012, 19:23 
fire
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Milyamd wrote:
Here are the lyrics in original, i.e. mixed Japanese-English. The whole English translation would be favourable.


Here's what Google Translate gives; obviously it's pretty bad and not what you want, but it should give a hint about the gist.

The end of the dream sweet chocolate melted on the tongue of a grain
Whatever happens Don't forget to taste will surely give up outro.

Slowly losing everyday discursive Glowly Day by day
Dramatically exciting and every day I put cracks tedious repetition of that!
Once it was the best of school personnel or travel behavior have gone good boyfriend sacrifice housework per mast orientation
Mom said, well, right? Selfish it would ーーー N.
Standing "of life because you're not" know I put up with such favor Bakkari!
Next to go when you're done sucking talent so shiny
I also have difficulty in those cans, nothing bad, nothing Sawa Chan!

The end of the dream sweet chocolate melted on the tongue of a grain
Whatever happens Don't forget to taste will surely give up outro.

I think better than to keep replay end roll humble Out control
Everything I know do not want to hear yesterday unexpected surely go back.
Just love her contract, no contract, sure enough after all
Retreat was a little wider, and the residual heat left you, I think

Story of passing each other farewell meeting Can't stay without you, there are no more what I had spent all the time even?

The end of the dream sweet chocolate melted on the tongue of a grain
I disproportionate happy words I know that I'm never gonna change.
The end of the dream sweet chocolate melted on the tongue of a grain
Whatever happens Don't forget to taste will surely give up outro.

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PostPosted: Tue 17 Apr 2012, 01:34 
MVP
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Aszev wrote:
Does anyone know of any languages where the actual realization of vowels rids the language of phonetic back vowels?

Iirc, I've read somewhere a claim that Californian English would have that or at least come close to it.


Can you remember where you read that claim? It'd be a very interesting development if it was true.

It'd be interesting if anyone was aware of other "unusual" systems for vowel realisation. Like:
–A lang without rounded vowels.
–A lang without open vowels (no [a ɑ ɒ], or perhaps any other a-like vowel.)
–A lang without close vowels (no [i y ɨ ʉ ɯ u])
-Other unusual gaps on the level of phonetic realisation.

(Remember that we are speaking about the actual phonetic realisations, not merely the underlying phonemes.)

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